Stojarová, V. (2008). Fink Hafner, D. – Pejanović, M. (eds.): Razvoj političkog pluralizma u Sloveniji i Bosni i Hercegovini. [The Development of Political Pluralism in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina]. Středoevropské politické studie, 10(1), 68-69. Získáno z https://journals.muni.cz/cepsr/article/view/4409/6112
FINK HAFNER, Danica - PEJANOVIĆ, Mirko (eds

Středoevropské politické studieRočník X, Číslo 1, s. 68-69

Central European Political Studies ReviewVolume X, Part 1, pp. 68-69

Mezinárodní politologický ústav Masarykovy univerzityISSN 1212-7817

 

 

Fink Hafner, Danica – Pejanović, Mirko (eds.):

Razvoj političkog pluralizma u Sloveniji

i Bosni i Hercegovini. [The Development of Political Pluralism in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina]. LjubljanaSarajevo: Fakulteta za družbene vede, 2006,

231 pages, ISBN 961-235-233-X.

 

{0>Věra Stojarová<}0{>Věra Stojarová[1]<0}

 

 

{0>The editors of the book Danica Fink Hafner and Mirko Pejanović give an analysis of the development of the political pluralism in two quite distinctive post-Yugoslav states - Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).<}0{>The editors of the book, Danica Fink Hafner and Mirko Pejanović, offer an analysis of the development of political pluralism in two quite distinct post-Yugoslav states – Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).<0} {0>There are four main thesis depicted in the book:<}0{>Four main theses are laid out in the book:<0} {0>1) the research of the political pluralism in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina is closely attached to the research of the transition.<}0{>1) Research into political pluralism in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina is closely tied to research into the transition.<0} {0>2) The (non) existence of the war is the key determinant for the transition (dis)continuity and therefore for the success of the democracy.<}0{>2) The (non-)existence of the war is the key determinant for the transition (dis)continuity and, therefore, for the success of the democracy.<0} {0>3) The pre-socialistic history is reflected in the party systems in 1990´s.<}0{>3) Pre-socialist history is reflected in the party systems of the 1990s.<0} {0>4) Ethnic principle of the party organization and party system stands in the opposition to the liberal-democratic ideals (pp 13-14).<}0{>4) The ethnic principle underlying party organization and the party system stands in the opposition to liberal-democratic ideals (pp 13-14).<0}

{0>The book is divided into eight different chapters including introduction, where the authors clearly state their aim, the key thesis, sources, and the conclusion summarizing the outcome of an analysis.<}0{>The book is divided into eight different chapters, including an introduction in which the authors clearly state their aim, their key thesis, their sources and which concludes with a summary of the outcome of the analysis.<0} {0>The first chapter written by Fink Hafner analyses structure and characteristics of the development of political pluralism in Slovenia in 1989-2004. Fink Hafner sets the theoretical framework she is working with and then goes to the roots of the development of the party system in Slovenia.<}0{>The first chapter, written by Fink Hafner, analyses the structure and characteristics of the development of political pluralism in Slovenia in 1989–2004. Hafner first sets up the theoretical framework she is working with and then goes to the roots of the development of the party system in Slovenia.<0} {0>The second chapter written by Mirko Pejanović gets deeply into the development of political pluralism in BiH.<}0{>The second chapter, written by Mirko Pejanović, gets deeply into the development of political pluralism in BiH.<0} {0>The author analyses the party system and then critically assesses the role of international community (p.<}0{>The author analyses the party system and then critically assesses the role of the international community (p.<0} {0>67). Pejanović criticizes international community (IC) for identification with ethno-nationalism and therefore helping the agony of BiH.<}0{>67). Pejanović criticizes the international community (IC) for identification with ethno-nationalism, thereby contributing to the agony of BiH.<0} {0>However, the author does not offer any other option for IC, whether that shall be banning of political parties based on ethnic identification or any other.<}0{>However, the author does not offer any other option for the IC, whether it be the banning of political parties based on ethnic identification or something else.<0} {0>Kind of strange as well seems the beginning of the text when Pejanović states only the census before the war and not the estimation of the number of inhabitants after the war.<}0{>Rather strange, as well, is the beginning of the text in which Pejanović gives census numbers only for the period before the war but no estimate of the number of inhabitants after its conclusion.<0} {0>Very disputed is to include the citation by Filipović who concludes that 255 078 inhabitants who identifies themselves in the census as OTHERS  with  MUSLIM BELIEF are therefore Bošnjaks.<}0{>It is very much open to dispute to include the citation by Filipović, who concludes that 255,078 inhabitants identifying themselves in the census as OTHERS with MUSLIM BELIEFS are therefore Bošnjaks.<0}

{0>The third chapter by Danica Fink Hafner and Alenka Krašovec begins with the theoretical framework of Lipset and Rokkan and tries to find out the main cleavages in Slovenia.<}0{>The third chapter by Danica Fink Hafner and Alenka Krašovec begins with the theoretical framework of Lipset and Rokkan and tries to determine the main cleavages in Slovenia.<0} {0>The conclusions are well argued and the whole chapter is a brilliant analysis of the party roots in Slovenia.<}0{>The conclusions are well argued and the whole chapter is a brilliant analysis of party roots in Slovenia.<0} {0>The fourth chapter written by Nerzuk Ćurak  is very distinctive from the other ones.<}0{>The fourth chapter written by Nerzuk Ćurak is very distinctive from the others.<0} {0>It is much more a philosophical essay rather than academic text using the empirical-analytical method as the others do.<}0{>It is much more a philosophical essay than an academic text using the empirical-analytical method the others employ.<0} {0>The author uses very strong expressions e.g.<}0{>The author makes some very strong statements, e.g.<0} {0>Social paradox par excellence happened when SFRY dissolved in the primordial violence governed by the power of Polemos, the Daemon of War, who entrusted Slobodan Milosevic and reversionary Serbian nationalistic right and national socialistic left with the violence.<}0{>Social paradox par excellence took place when the SFRY dissolved in the primordial violence governed by the power of Polemos, the Daemon of War, who entrusted Slobodan Milosevic and the reversionary Serbian nationalistic right and national socialist left with the violence.<0} {0>(p.<}0{>(p.<0} {0>106). The text stands out and does not really fit in the overall framework of the book even though it gives interesting view on the BiH political development.<}0{>106) The text stands out and does not really fit into the overall framework of the book, even if it does give an interesting view on BiH political development.<0}

{0>The fifth chapter analyses the electoral system and its impact on the party system in BiH while the next chapter analyses the impact of electoral systems on the party systems in the all ex-Yugoslav republics.<}0{>The fifth chapter analyses the electoral system and its impact on the party system in BiH, while the next chapter analyses the impact of electoral systems on the party systems in the all ex-Yugoslav republics.<0} {0>The authors very often cite one of the best Serbian social scientist who specialises on the Serbian and Montenegrin party arena Vladimir Goati and both texts accompanied with tables offer great analysis of the electoral systems in the region.<}0{>The authors very often cite one of the best Serbian social scientists specializing in the Serbian and Montenegrin party arena, Vladimir Goati, and both texts are accompanied by tables offering insightful analysis of the electoral systems in the region.<0} {0>The conclusion gives couple of final remarks and assessment of the overall political situation in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.<}0{>The conclusion makes a couple of final remarks and assessments of the overall political situation in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.<0}

{0>To conclude the monograph Razvoj političkog pluralizma u Sloveniji i Bosni i Herzegovini is an excellent outcome of a research project and everyone dealing with the ex-Yugoslav region shall have the book in his/her personal library.<}0{>To conclude, the monograph Razvoj političkog pluralizma u Sloveniji i Bosni i Herzegovini is an excellent follow-up to the research project. Anyone dealing with the ex-Yugoslav region should have this book in his/her personal library.<0} {0>The authors of the project Danica Fink Hafner and Mirko Pejanović have done great job and shall be applauded for that.<}0{>The authors of the project, Danica Fink Hafner and Mirko Pejanović, have done a great job and should be applauded.<0}


[1] Author works at the Institute for Comparative Political Research and the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Studies of Masaryk University, Joštova 10, 602 00 Brno; e-mail: stojarova@fss.muni.cz.



Copyright (c) 2008 Věra Stojarová

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